Abstract
This article investigates the approach to reparations of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), doctrinal comparative law perspective, complemented by socio-legal insights. We trace back the development of the reparative frameworks of the ICC and ECCC, and identify the normative bases and political climate underlying the establishment of both courts. Moreover, we scrutinize their case law and implementation practice on reparations and posit that, although the initial context of development will not predict how well the courts will fare in practice. We argue that the openness and flexibility of the courts, to acknowledge when change is needed and adapt to challenges arising during the process of designing and implementing reparations appear to be more important than the initial context. We conclude that in order to make the victims' right to reparation real, the courts' reparative mandates require a deeper reflection on the feasibility of the underlying goals of international criminal justice and a realistic assessment of their performance in practice.
Original language | English |
---|---|
Pages (from-to) | 15-38 |
Number of pages | 24 |
Journal | International Journal of Comparative and Applied Criminal Justice |
Volume | 45 |
Issue number | 1 |
Early online date | 30 Nov 2019 |
DOIs | |
Publication status | Published - 2 Jan 2021 |
Keywords
- Reparations
- international criminal court
- extraordinary chambers in the courts of Cambodia
- restorative justice
- retributive justice
- international criminal justice
- justice for victims
- CIVIL PARTY PARTICIPATION
- MASS CRIMES
- JUSTICE
- VICTIMS
- TRIALS
- FALL
- ECCC
- RISE
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In: International Journal of Comparative and Applied Criminal Justice, Vol. 45, No. 1, 02.01.2021, p. 15-38.
Research output: Contribution to journal › Article › Academic › peer-review
TY - JOUR
T1 - Between idealism and realism
T2 - A comparative analysis of the reparations regimes of the International Criminal Court and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia
AU - Balta, Alina
AU - Bax, Manon
AU - Letschert, Rianne
N1 - Funding Information: This work was supported by the Nederlandse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek [VIDI Research Grant]. Funding Information: 1. According to a socio-legal approach, the analysis of law is directly linked to the analysis of the social situation to which the law applies and should be put into the perspective of that situation by seeing the part the law plays in the creation, maintenance and/or change of the situation (Menkel-Meadow, 2019 ; Schiff, 1976 ). Equally, it is important to note that the interviews for the purpose of this article were carried out with the goal of contextualising the findings emerging out of the doctrinal research, which is the main research method employed in this study. As such, the interviews are not utilised in the current research as a primary research method. 2. The assistance mandate of the Trust Fund for Victims, as well as the change of the Internal Rules of the ECCC can be seen as a “safety net” in case the convicted person is indigent. 3. We acknowledge that different terms regarding reparations are used across international instruments. For instance, the 1985 UN Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power uses the terms; redress (general term), and the more specific forms of, amongst others, restitution and compensation. However, the terminology we are using in this article is based on the wording used in the respective legal rules. 4. Luban ( 2013 , p. 506) provides the geopolitical background for the establishment of the ICC, calling it “the honeymoon period for ICJ”. He explains that the international criminal justice climate at the global level in early 1990s was rather positive. Payam Akhavan ( 2013 ), similarly, called this period as “romanticisation” over international criminal law. 5. As James Crawford ( 1997 ) explained, in 1985–1990 nobody took seriously the prospect of an international criminal court, despite several discussions. It was with the development of the ICTY/R ad-hoc tribunals, as well as the ILC draft statute for an international criminal court in September 1994 that the establishment of the ICC took off. 6. In addition, throughout the years of its functioning, a number of international judges resigned their functions citing political interference and dysfunctional climate (Killean, 2017 ). 7. Throughout 2002, the UN expressed that the ECCC’s normative basis would not guarantee the international standards of justice required by the UN to continue discussions towards the establishment of the Court, which led the UN to withdraw from negotiations for a short period (Bassiouni, 2008 ). 8. The international crimes consist of genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity, while the national crimes are limited to homicide, torture and religious persecution (ECCC Law, 2004 , articles 3–8). 9. For instance, in the 1990s, protocol 11 to the European Convention on Human Rights has been adopted, through which the right to individual petition has become compulsory for all States Parties to the Council of Europe (Council of Europe, 1990 ). Also, the rise of interest in the position of individuals was highlighted by the growing concerns at the UN level, with the adoption of the 1985 UN Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power, as well as the 2005 UN Basic Principles on Reparations, whose drafting process started in 1989 (van Boven, 2010 ). 10. William Schabas (Schabas, 2001 , p. 20) expressed that “without any doubt its [the ICC Statute’s] creation is the result of a human rights agenda that has steadily taken centre stage within the United Nations”. 11. Christoph Sperfeldt ( 2017 ) similarly details how the combined efforts of France and the United Kingdom State Delegations, as well of international NGOs were instrumental in incorporating a reparations mandate into the Rome Statute. 12. A Review of the negotiations leading to the establishment of ECCC points to the involvement of UN and Cambodian representatives, as well as US Diplomats, but not NGOs, as was the case of the ICC (Documentation Center of Cambodia, 2001 ). 13. One other important aspect to the establishment of the ECCC constituted the funding, to which the UN was not willing to contribute if the ECCC would not commit to international standards of justice (Documentation Center of Cambodia, 2001 ). 14. For instance, due to the high number of civil parties and the equality of arms in relation to the suspect, the ECCC’s Internal Rules restricted the scope of individual civil party participation, especially through obligatory representation (Zhang, 2016; Sperfeldt, 2018 ). 15. As will be shown below in section 3.1 .B, the content of the right to reparation is embedded in the local context and reflecting the limited resources on the ground. In addition, although the inclusion of victims and their rights at the ECCC is an important development, accounts demonstrate that questions about the inclusion of victims were some of the last issues addressed by judges when drafting the Internal Rules and almost no mention was made of victims in the Framework Decision or ECCC Law (McGonigle Leyh, 2011 ). 16. Interestingly, ECCC did not have as a starting point a strong support by NGOs and States, although the negotiations were indeed carried out by UN diplomats aware of the parallel developments at the ICC. 17. Christoph Sperfeldt ( 2018 ) asserts that the role of NGOs in advocating for extensive victims’ rights at ECCC is significantly more modest compared to the role of NGOs in the negotiations to the establishment of ICC. However, they did play a role, albeit at a later stage, and more modest. 18. Christoph Sperfeldt ( 2017 ) argued that proponents for the inclusion of the right to reparation argued that because a right to reparation for victims of mass atrocities is recognised under international human rights law, it must equally be recognised under international criminal law and therefore be enshrined in the ICC Statute, with reference to the 1985 United Nations Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power and the then draft Basic Principles and Guidelines. At the same time, he also detailed how the Basic Principles became one important source of inspiration for article 75 of the Rome Statute. 19. As Conor McCarthy ( 2012a ) argued, the reparations regime at the ICC is not the result of some grand design but an arrangements that evolved in the later stage of the negotiations process from a number of negotiations and proposals. 20. The Internal Rules exemplified forms that reparations may take: a) an order to publish the judgement in any appropriate news or other media at the convicted person’s expense; b) an order to fund any non-profit activity or service that is intended for the benefit of Victims; or c) other appropriate and comparable forms of reparation (ECCC Internal Rules, 2015 , Rule 23 (12)). 21. Under national law, civil parties have the right to claim individual monetary compensation, while both individual as well as material measures are excluded from the reparative mandate of the ECCC (Prosecutor v. Kaing Guek Eav, 2010 , para. 661, footnote 1144.) 22. Retributive justice is related to the institution of criminal punishment (Hermann, 2017 ) Wenzel, Okimoto, Feather, and Platow ( 2008 ) explain that retributive justice essentially refers to the repair of justice through the imposition of punishment. 23. Restorative justice aims to affirm the status of victims and their rights. It seeks to take into account and consider the interests of the victim, the offender as well as the community. As such, it questions traditional retributive criminal justice, which is, inter alia, concerned with the punishment of the offender (Clark, 2008 ; Evans, 2012 ; Zehr, 1990 ). 24. The challenges inherent in attempting to strike a balance between the two functions of the ICC have been discussed at large in (Balta et al., 2018 ) By examining the Court’s practice on reparations to date, we argue that the restorative justice function of the ICC, relating to concern for victims and their rights is overshadowed by the retributive justice function. 25. At the time of writing of this article, 123 States were States Parties to the Rome Statute. Out of them 33 are African States , 19 are Asia-Pacific States , 18 are from Eastern Europe , 28 are from Latin American and Caribbean States , and 25 are from Western European and other States (International Criminal Court, 2019 ). 26. The argument might be made for a third function of the ICC, due to its more abstract goals that it pursues, as elicited by its concern for future generations as well as respect for international justice. 27. Fletscher ( 2015 ) also provides the example of former presidents of the ICTY who although did not provide for right for victims, including the right to reparation, it nevertheless invoked victims in the annual reports of the tribunal to the UN Security Council as a measure of the success of the institution; completed trials deliver justice to victims. Seen this way, the ICC is the first international criminal justice institution that propelled the “justice for victims” narrative to become a function of law. 28. Interestingly, the Law establishing the ECCC ( 2004 ), on the other hand, provided in article 1 that its goal was merely to conduct trials of the most responsible Khmer Rouge leaders. 29. Some scholars argued that justice in Cambodia came in the form of ECCC trials, and not a Truth and Reconciliation Commission – which was also on the table – due to the fact that the ratione temporis and personae of the ECCC was to be rather limited, excluding risks that the Government in power would also be prosecuted (as most of them were Khmer Rouge officials (Klosterman, 1998 ; McGonigle, 2009 ). 30. As is well known, the TFV has two equal, victim-focused mandates: a reparations and an assistance mandate. The reparations mandate is linked to the ICC conviction of an accused; following a conviction the Court may make awards on reparations “through” the TFV. The assistance mandate, on the other hand, is concerned with benefits to all victims of crimes under the Rome Statute, and it is not linked to any conviction ( Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (last amended 2010), 1998 , article 75(2); ICC RPE, 2013, rule 98(5); Balta et al., 2018 ). 31. During the first case at the ECCC, the reparations awards were to be borne by the accused person, in relation to the crimes he was found guilty of. However, he turned out to be indigent, thus significantly limiting the reparations awards provided to the civil parties. In the Case 002, the Internal Rules were amended as to offer an alternative venue to the civil parties to claim reparations, and they currently reflect the reparations regime described above. 32. At the time of writing, the ninth revision of the Internal Rules is at play. 33. The ICC has at the moment of writing not agreed on a reparations programme, nevertheless, several reparative measures have been ordered by the Court. 34. In a submission of group V01, the LRV Stated that 12 of 14 victims wanted compensation (Prosecutor v. Thomas Lubanga Dyilo, 2012c , para., p. 15). Similarly, in a submission of group V02, similar wishes were echoed (Prosecutor v. Thomas Lubanga Dyilo, 2012b , para., p. 16). 35. Claims for measures containing health care, commemoration days, renaming of public buildings and State apology were rejected ( Prosecutor v Kaing Guek Eav , 2012 , para. 663–664). 36. In the case of the ICC against Ruto and Sang, victims withdrew of participation because they were extremely opposed to reparations on a community basis (Prosecutor v. William Samoei Ruto and Joshua Arap Sang, 2013 , para. 12; Williams, 2016 , p. 332). 37. The Draft Implementation Plan is based on consultations with the Registry, the legal representatives of victims, the defence, local authorities and experts. After hearing from the parties, the Trial Chamber may then approve, reject or modify the plan. Once approved, the Trust Fund launches an international competitive bidding process to select implementing partners on the ground (Assembly of States Parties, 2005 ). In addition, the Trust Fund is required to submit periodic progress reports to the Chamber throughout the implementation phase (REDRESS, 2018 ). 38. The Trial Chamber argued that it is not able to rule on Lubanga’s liability as long as it does not have a list with the identified beneficiaries and the extent of their harm, the specific details about the proposed programmes and a precise evaluation of the costs (Prosecutor v. Thomas Lubanga Dylio, 201, para. 14 and 22). 39. Even though the TFV is established in the Rome Statute and thus, is part of the ICC reparations system, its role in relation to the Court ordered reparations is limited to the implementation of the reparations. 40. For instance, in the Lubanga case, the approval of the TFV’s implementation plan by the Court was stalled for almost one year due to the fact that the Court wanted clarity over all the details regarding beneficiaries of reparations, despite the TFV insisting that this was impossible given the challenges on the ground ( Prosecutor v. Thomas Lubanga Dyilo , 2017 , para. 15–17; Balta et al., 2018 , p. 12). 41. For instance, the abrupt termination of proceedings in the case of Prosecutor v. Jean Pierre Bemba Gombo left all the victims deeply disappointed with the ICC process: “victims are disappointed and have lost faith in the justice process following Mr. Bemba’s acquittal” (Prosecutor v. Jean Pierre Bemba Gombo, 2018 ). 42. As a report by REDRESS ( 2019 , p. 10)put it, “In the Lubanga case, 15 years after the commission of the crimes in 2003, victims are yet to receive the reparations they have been waiting for, even though the first reparations decision was handed down in 2012.” 43. As explained by Corciari and Heindel ( 2014b , p. 6), “unlike the ICTY and ICTR, which receive funds from the general UN budget, hybrid courts generally have relied on voluntary funding, leaving them vulnerable to financial gaps. To a significant degree, they took shape precisely because key donor States were unwilling to invest the financial and political capital needed to set up fully international courts.” 44. For instance, as journalistic publications indicate, peace in the Democratic Republic of the Congo where the reparations awarded in Lubanga and Katanga need to be implemented, remains a convoluted matter (Cumming-Bruce, 2019 ). Similarly, several journalistic publications document the instability in Mali, where the reparations awarded in the Al Mahdi case need to be implemented (Mules, 2019 ). 45. This is not to assert that the reparations in case 002 are without criticism. Sperfeldt ( 2018 ) for instance, argued in his doctoral thesis, that this approach resulted in the de-judicialization of reparations as they are not linked with the guilty conviction of an accused person, potentially constituting a step backward to the protection of the victims’ right to reparation. 46. The project, “What’s Law Got to Do With It?” (currently developed at Tilburg University and funded by the Netherlands Research Organisation) aims to empirically asses the contribution of international criminal and human rights law to repairing the harm of victims of international crimes. For more information, see https://www.tilburguniversity.edu/research/institutes-and-research-groups/intervict/research/projects/reparations . Publisher Copyright: © 2021 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
PY - 2021/1/2
Y1 - 2021/1/2
N2 - This article investigates the approach to reparations of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), doctrinal comparative law perspective, complemented by socio-legal insights. We trace back the development of the reparative frameworks of the ICC and ECCC, and identify the normative bases and political climate underlying the establishment of both courts. Moreover, we scrutinize their case law and implementation practice on reparations and posit that, although the initial context of development will not predict how well the courts will fare in practice. We argue that the openness and flexibility of the courts, to acknowledge when change is needed and adapt to challenges arising during the process of designing and implementing reparations appear to be more important than the initial context. We conclude that in order to make the victims' right to reparation real, the courts' reparative mandates require a deeper reflection on the feasibility of the underlying goals of international criminal justice and a realistic assessment of their performance in practice.
AB - This article investigates the approach to reparations of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), doctrinal comparative law perspective, complemented by socio-legal insights. We trace back the development of the reparative frameworks of the ICC and ECCC, and identify the normative bases and political climate underlying the establishment of both courts. Moreover, we scrutinize their case law and implementation practice on reparations and posit that, although the initial context of development will not predict how well the courts will fare in practice. We argue that the openness and flexibility of the courts, to acknowledge when change is needed and adapt to challenges arising during the process of designing and implementing reparations appear to be more important than the initial context. We conclude that in order to make the victims' right to reparation real, the courts' reparative mandates require a deeper reflection on the feasibility of the underlying goals of international criminal justice and a realistic assessment of their performance in practice.
KW - Reparations
KW - international criminal court
KW - extraordinary chambers in the courts of Cambodia
KW - restorative justice
KW - retributive justice
KW - international criminal justice
KW - justice for victims
KW - CIVIL PARTY PARTICIPATION
KW - MASS CRIMES
KW - JUSTICE
KW - VICTIMS
KW - TRIALS
KW - FALL
KW - ECCC
KW - RISE
U2 - 10.1080/01924036.2019.1695640
DO - 10.1080/01924036.2019.1695640
M3 - Article
SN - 0192-4036
VL - 45
SP - 15
EP - 38
JO - International Journal of Comparative and Applied Criminal Justice
JF - International Journal of Comparative and Applied Criminal Justice
IS - 1
ER -